Young Adults and Health Risk Behavior

Missouri Western
April 30, 1996

Abstract

The purpose of this study was to explore the false-consensus and the false-uniqueness effects as related to the prevalence of health risk behaviors (such as smoking, drugs, alcohol, and unprotected sex) and the estimated prevalence of the same behaviors. To measure this a study was administered to a lower level psychology class. The results indicated that young adults tend to overestimate the percentage of their peers who were actually involved in health risk behaviors. It also showed that respondents had a poor idea of how many of their peers performed the health risk behavior. The false consensus effect was shown as respondents who engaged in health risk behaviors overestimated the consensus for their behavior. The false uniqueness effect was also shown as respondents with desirable practices overestimated consensus.

Introduction

Having heard preventive messages about health risk behaviors (such as smoking, drugs, alcohol, and safe sex) since grade school, young adults should have a clear idea of which behaviors are safe or appropriate and what they should and should not be doing. When asked directly, young adults seldom report that they are planning to do something that may jeopardize their health (Brooks-Gunn & Furstenberg, 1989). However, these preventive messages often give way to other interests when the opportunity presents itself. The prevalence of many risk behaviors has not declined recently, even though efforts to educate young adults of the consequences of their behavior has increased significantly (U.S. Public Health Service 1993). For example, Franzini, Hwang and Winslow (1992) conducted a survey of AIDS risk behaviors. They found that knowledge about the risks of AIDS appeared to have no significant correlation to AIDS risk behavior.

Social influence factors are thought to be a major contribution in the decision to engage in health risk behavior. Graham, Marks and Hansen (1991) suggested that social factors are the most important determinants of adolescent substance use. They examined students taking part in an alcohol prevention program to test the effects of three types of social influence; active (directly offering a drug), and two types of passive, social modeling of behavior and misperceptions of peer use of a substance. The study found that overestimation of friends use of alcohol was the only predictor of the onset of alcohol use. So more passive forms of social pressure, especially misperceptions, may be the key predictor of future use among former nonusers.

Another study (Haines, 1989) examined student's attitudes about drinking and their perception of campus norms. Forty-two percent of the students examined said they think students in general approve of frequent drunkenness. In actuality, only nine percent approve of it. Haines suggested that these students, by overestimating drinking habits, may create a self-fulfilling prophecy and develop unhealthy drinking habits. He also suggested that if students knew that they were not alone in their beliefs, they might feel less peer pressure to drink.

One reason that social influence is so important to young adults, is that they are more sensitive to conformity pressures associated with real and perceived social norms, especially when it involves risky behavior (Krosnick & Judd, 1982). As Gibbons, Gerrard, and Boney-McCoy (1995) suggested, the more common an adolescent perceives a behavior to be, the more likely they are to engage in that behavior. In regard to smoking, Sussman et al. (1988) found that inflated prevalence estimates of smoking behavior of one's peers were positively associated with future onset of smoking behavior. So a link between prevalence estimates and risk behavior has been established.

Estimates of the number of one's peers involved in a particular behavior appear to be an important consideration in a young adult's decision to participate in that particular behavior. Many teens who are not currently involved in a risky behavior tend to feel that they are in the minority and that there are few people who agree with them. This has been called the false-uniqueness effect. Many teens who are involved in a particular risky behavior tend to overestimate the percentage of their peers who do the same. This has been called the false-consensus effect.

Both of these tendencies have been portrayed in a study conducted by Suls, Wan, and Sanders (1988). In this study a group of college men were asked to report their performance on a series of health-relevant behaviors and to estimate the percentage of their peers involved in those behaviors. The study provided three main conclusions. First, respondents perceived their health-relevant practices to be more prevalent among their peers than did the respondents who behaved differently. Secondly, respondents had a poor idea of how many of their peers performed the health-relevant behavior. Lastly, respondents with undesirable practices tended to overestimate the degree of consensus for their behavior.

The study by Suls, Wan and Sanders (1988) also gave some possible explanations as to why people have a tendency to exercise the false-consensus and false-uniqueness effect. They suggested that since one's own behavior is most vivid and available to them, the individual may see it as more common in the general population. Another explanation they presented is that people tend to be attracted to and associate with others who think and act similarly so they may be more frequently exposed to others who share their choices and behavior. A motivational explanation was also provided. People are given the feeling that the behavior is not so bad if there are several others who behave in a similar fashion. It can also make them feel distinct in a positive way by underestimating the number of others who behave in a desirable fashion.

Previous research has shown the false-consensus and the false-uniqueness effects as related to health-relevant practices. The purpose of this study was to explore the false-consensus and the false-uniqueness effects as related to the prevalence of health risk behaviors and the estimated prevalence of the same behaviors.

Methods

Participants

One lower level psychology class from Missouri Western State College was selected for this study. Missouri Western is a medium sized, Liberal Arts and Sciences College located in the northwestern part of Missouri. It is located in a primarily agricultural area with a regional center of population of 72,000. The class selected for study contained 26 students. The students were from a primarily Caucasian background, 92.3% were white and 7.7% were black. The mean age of the sample was 24.35 and 22 of the 26 subjects were females. Of the subjects 88.5% were married and 11.5% were divorced.

Materials

A fifteen item paper-and-pencil scale was constructed by the experimenter to measure the prevalence of health risk behaviors and the estimated prevalence of the same behaviors. The scale is included in Appendix A.

Procedure

The scale was administered to a lower level psychology class by the experimenter. While passing out the scale to the subjects, the experimenter told the class that the purpose of the study was to asses the risk behaviors of college students.

Results

An independent t-test was conducted comparing the prevalence of smoking behavior and the perceived prevalence of the same behavior. There was a significant difference of t(25)= -7.09, p<.01. This indicates that people smoked less (mean=1.962) than others perceived them to smoke (mean= 4.038). An independent t-test was done to compare how often people had a whole drink of alcohol in the last six months and how often they perceive others to have had a whole drink of alcohol in the last six months. There was a significant difference of t(25)= 3.65, p<.01. This shows that people actually drink less (mean=3.038) than they perceive others to drink (mean=4.192). Another independent t-test was done to compare how often people drank too much or got drunk and how often they perceive others to engage in the same behavior. A significant difference was found of t(25)= 4.57, p<.01. This demonstrates that people drink too much or get drunk less often (mean=2.154) than others perceive them to (mean=3.615). An independent t-test was also conducted to compare how often people use drugs at the present time to how often people perceive others to use drugs. There was a significant difference of t(25)= 8.06, p<.01. This indicates that people use drugs less (mean=1.269) than others perceive them to (mean=3.269). The last independent t-test was conducted to compare how likely a person would be to use a method of birth control if they were to have sex and how often they think others would use a method of birth control. A significant difference was found of t(25)= -3.48, p<.01. This indicates that people use a method of birth control more (mean= 4.692) than people think they do (mean=3.6).

When the participants were asked what their personal opinion of drinking was 26.7% said drinking is never good, 30.8% said drinking without getting drunk is all right, 42.3% said occasionally getting dunk is all right as long as it doesn't interfere with school or other responsibilities, and nobody said frequent drunkenness is all right. When the same people were asked how they think the majority of people in their age group feel about drinking nobody said that drinking is never good, 34.6% said drinking without getting drunk is all right, 46.2%occasionally getting drunk is all right, and 19.2% said that frequent drunkenness is all right.

Discussion

The study indicated that the young adults have a poor idea of how many of their peers are engaged in health risk behaviors. They also perceive their health relevant practices to be more prevalent among their peers than do others who behaved differently. The false-consensus effect was shown in the study as respondents who engaged in the health risk behavior overestimated the consensus for their behavior. The false-uniqueness effect was also shown as respondents with desirable practices underestimated consensus. As Graham, Marks, and Hansen (1991) suggested, more passive forms of social pressure, especially misperceptions of peer use of a substance, may be a key predictor of future use among former nonusers. It is so important to understand what influences a young adult to engage in health risk behaviors so that educational programs can be developed to help the student make an informed choice about becoming involved in the behavior. A possible educational method is one that illustrates the importance of communication so that young adults can have an accurate perception of health risk behaviors.

This study raises some questions and directions for future research in regard to the extent misperceptions play in involvement in a behavior and how much other factors influence the behavior. Before future studies are explored, limitations of the present study should be looked into. Such limitations include the small sample size, the small number of males, and the small number of other ethnic groups in the study.

References

Brooks-Gun, J., and Furstenburger, F. (1989). Adolescent Sexual Behavior. American Psychologist, 44, 249-257.

Franzini, L., Hwang, J., and Winslow, R. (1992). Perceived peer norms, casual sex, and AIDS risk prevention. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 22,1809-1827.

Gibbons, F. X., Gerrard, M., and Boney-McCoy, S. (1995). Prototype perception predicts (lack of) pregnancy prevention. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 21, 84-92.

Graham, J. W., Marks, G., and Hansen, W. B. (1991). Social influence processes affecting adolescent substance use. Journal of Applied Psychology, 76, 291-298.

Haines, M. (1989). Drinking on campus: Not as much as you'd think. Psychology Today, 23, 20.

Krosnick, J., and Judd, C. (1982). Transitions in social influence at adolescence: Who induces cigarette smoking? Developmental Psychology, 18, 359-368.

Suls, J., Wan, C. K., and Sanders, G. S. (1988). False consensus and false uniqueness in estimating the prevalence of health protective behaviors. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 18, 66-79.

Sussman, S., Dent, C. W., Mestel-Rauch, J., Johnson, C. A., Hansen, W. B., and Flay, B. R. (1988). Adolescent nonsmokers, triers, and regular smokers' estimates of cigarette smoking prevalence: When do overestimations occur and by whom? Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 18, 537-551.

U.S. Public Health Service (1993). Prevention: Federal program and progress 1991-1992. U.S. Public Health Service, Office of Disease Prevention

Appendix 1: Behavioral Scale

Questions one through thirteen were administered using a rating scale with a one to five range, with one being never and five being regularly. 1) How often do you compare how well things are going for you in general with other people? 2) How often do you compare yourself with other people in terms of social behavior (i.e., social skills, popularity, etc.)? 3) How similar are you to people your own age? 4) How often do you smoke at the present time? 5) How often in the last six months have you had a whole drink of alcohol? 6) How often in the last six months have you had too much to drink or gotten drunk? 7) How often do you use illegal drugs at the present time? 8) If you were to have sex, how likely is it that you (or your partner) would use a method of birth control such as the pill and/or a condom? 9)How often do you think people in your age group smoke? 10) How often do you think people in your age group have had a whole drink of alcohol in the last six months? 11) How often do you think people in your age group have gotten drunk in the last six months? 12) How often do you think people in your age group use illegal drugs at the present time? 13) How likely do you think it is that a couple in your age group would use a method of birth control such as the pill and/or a condom if they were to have sex? 14) What is your personal opinion on drinking? a. Drinking is never good. b. Drinking without getting drunk is all right. c. Occasionally getting drunk is all right as long as it doesn't interfere with schooling or other responsibilities. d. Frequent drunkenness is all right. 15) In general, how do you think the majority of the people in your age group feel about drinking? a. Drinking is never good. b. Drinking without getting drunk is all right. c. Occasionally getting drunk is all right as long as it doesn't interfere with schooling or other responsibilities. d. Frequent drunkenness is all right.

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